Neo-Progressivism and Urban Politics in the Ongoing Interregnum
A Conjunctural Approach of Ecologist Electoral Victories in Major French Cities in 2020
Arnaud Brennetot, Nathan Gouin, & Franck Viroleau (all at University of Rouen Normandy)
Recent weeks may give the impression of an unstoppable rise of populist and even proto-fascists movements (Donald Trump and Javier Milei, for example). However, as this article highlights, this should not overshadow the emergence of progressive political forces at the local level, which hold the potential to drive meaningful societal change.
Over the past decade, neo-progressive candidates have been elected to lead several major cities across Europe and the United States: the mayors of change in Spain (2015-2019), the Green mayors in France (2020), as well as leaders in Athens, Berlin, Naples, Preston, and Zagreb. These politicians share a common agenda: rejecting urban austerity policies, promoting more democratic governance, ensuring fair access to public services, fighting against social inequalities and advancing ecological resilience. This shift is particularly significant, as urban governance had been dominated by the neoliberal paradigm since the 1980s, emphasizing economic competitiveness, territorial attractiveness, and budgetary discipline.
However, while neoliberalism has been increasingly challenged—evidenced by the rise of populist movements, the election of Donald Trump, and Brexit—it remains dominant and continues to shape institutions. Today, several competing ideologies are vying for influence in what Gramsci termed an interregnum: a transitional phase where the old system is weakening, but no new paradigm has yet taken hold.
In this context, how can we explain that some cities have managed to break away from the neoliberal governance model while it remains predominant elsewhere?
Most research on neo-municipalism sees it as a response to neoliberal crises, where austerity erodes public services to spark grassroots movements that evolve into political forces and take power. However, while this explanation is relevant, it does not fully capture the complexity of these political transformations. The case of the 2020 French municipal elections, where Green candidates won in several major cities (Annecy, Besançon, Bordeaux, Lyon, Marseille, Poitiers, Strasbourg, Tours, Grenoble), shows that other key factors must be considered.
Figure 1: Map of ecologist power in France
1. The reconfiguration of political cleavages into three blocs
A new transnational political divide is reshaping electoral landscapes, opposing two emerging forces to neoliberalism: on the left, the Green, Alternative, Libertarian (GAL) movements, and on the right, the Traditional, Authoritarian, Nationalist (TAN) movements. This transformation has weakened traditional political parties and favored the rise of alternative formations, both on the left (La France Insoumise in France, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece) and the right (Rassemblement National in France, Vox in Spain, Alternative für Deutschland in Germany).
In France, this process has led to the collapse of traditional parties and a restructuring of the political landscape into three blocs: a pro-market centrist movement embodied by La République en Marche (LREM), the party of President Emmanuel Macron; a far-right populist bloc; and an alternative left composed of ecological and anti-capitalist movements. This polarization of the political landscape is particularly visible in urban areas, where Greens benefit from strong support among young and highly educated voters.
2. The role of electoral and geographical institutions
Electoral systems play a decisive role in enabling alternative political forces to gain power. In France, major urban areas are fragmented into multiple municipalities, allowing city centers —where progressive classes are overrepresented — to elect mayors independently from the more conservative votes in suburbs and working-class peripheries.
Additionally, the French municipal electoral system grants 50% of city council seats to the list that wins the second round, making it easier for alternative parties to take control of local governments when traditional parties are divided.
3. The strategic repositioning of the green French party
For years, Green parties in France were relegated to junior partner roles in center-left governments. However, after the failure of Socialist President François Hollande’s coalition, Europe Écologie Les Verts (EELV) decided in 2016 to break with past alliances and return to its ideological roots, emphasizing environmental protection and a strong critique of economic productivism.
This strategic shift allowed the Greens to distinguish themselves from the neoliberal legacy of former urban left-wing governments and emerge as a credible alternative (see figures 2 and 3, representing the electoral programs of the ecologist lists in Lyon and Poitiers). Their hybrid structure, operating as both a political party and a social movement, gave them a strategic advantage in a period of political instability.
Figure 2: Poster of the electoral program of the ecologist list in Lyon
Figure 3: Poster of the electoral program of the ecologist list in Poitiers
4. Beyond grassroots mobilization: the importance of urban political strategies
The rise of LREM reshaped French politics by weakening traditional parties and altering left-wing dynamics. This allowed the Greens to reposition themselves as a leading alternative to both mainstream center-left and center-right forces.
During the 2020 municipal elections, urban alliance strategies varied significantly:
In some cities, the Socialist Party (PS) maintained its dominance by integrating the Greens into its coalitions (Paris, Rennes, Nantes).
In others, the Greens emerged as the leading force after winning the first round (Lyon).
In cities like Lille and Grenoble, direct confrontations between Greens and Socialists led to unpredictable results.
In cities like Bordeaux and Marseille, left-wing coalitions formed early in the campaign secured decisive victories.
These varied outcomes illustrate that beyond structural factors like social movements and economic crises, the political agency of parties and candidates played a crucial role in shaping electoral outcomes.
Conclusion: a promising yet fragile movement
The rise of neo-progressive forces in major French cities reflects a broader global trend of questioning neoliberal hegemony. However, these victories remain precarious, as demonstrated by the electoral defeats of the mayors of change in Spain in 2019 and 2023. Nevertheless, other examples show that it is possible to build a stable electoral base (e.g. Amsterdam, Budapest, Grenoble, or Naples).
The future of urban neo-progressivism will depend on its ability to expand beyond city centers and appeal to a broader electorate. To transform these local victories into lasting political change, neo-progressives will need to unify left-wing forces around a common vision, engage with social movements, and build cross-regional and international networks of solidarity.
Cities cannot remain isolated strongholds of resistance against neoliberalism. Instead, they must become hubs for progressive diffusion, influencing peripheries and contributing to a larger political transformation capable of addressing the social and environmental challenges of the 21st century.
Arnaud Brennetot is professor of Political Geography at the University of Rouen Normandy and a member of the CNRS 6266 IDEES research laboratory. He works on the links between political ideologies and political spatialities, in particular on the origins, deployment and contemporary crisis of the neoliberal regime.
Nathan Gouin earned a PhD in Geography and Planning in 2020 from Rouen Normandy University. He is currently a postdoctoral researcher at Le Havre Normandy University, focusing on the evolution of territorial policies under the influence of political and ideological shifts.
Franck Viroleau is an economist specializing in ecological transition, currently serving as a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Rouen Normandy. He completed his PhD in Economics from the University Paris Nanterre and is also a research associate at UMR Développement et Sociétés (Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne University).